Before the Declaration of Independence, there was this. Many of the grievances expressed here are to some extent still relevant in regards to the ever greater, unconstitutional accumulation of power in the Federal Government. The States need to re-enumerate the constitutional division of powers that Constitutionally belong to the States. The States need to affirm the conviction that the Federal Government's role in State affairs is limited by the Constitution. And that the Federal Government has no rights to impose on the States policies or actions that the States believe to be detrimental to the well being of the citizens of the individual States without the specific agreement of each State.
Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking up ArmsThe Second Continental Congress was convened in May 1775, as relations with Britain
were deteriorating and war was looming. The Congress merged the several continental
militias into the Continental Army and appointed George Washington its commanding
general. Yielding to those delegates who still hoped to avoid full-scale war and further
bloodshed, the Congress approved the Olive Branch Petition which was forwarded to the
king. At the same time, however, on July 6, 1775 the Congress also approved this
Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking up Arms, which outlines the colonists’
increasing frustration with acts by the British Parliament that the colonists thought to be
unconstitutional. Earlier drafts of the declaration were written by John Rutledge (South
Carolina; 1739–1800) and Thomas Jefferson (Virginia; 1743–1826); the final act was
presented by John Dic-kinson (Pennsylvania and Delaware; 1732–1808).
Why, according to this Declaration, are the colonists taking up arms? What are “the
causes,” and what is “the necessity” of their doing so? Have they offered a compelling
justification? What, according to this Declaration, is the goal of the colonists? In the
name of what, and for what purpose, are they resisting? Would you have signed this
Declaration? Would you also have signed the Olive Branch Petition? Can one, in good
conscience, prepare for war even as one petitions for peace? Can one, in good
conscience, not prepare for war under these circumstances?
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason, to believe, that the divine Author of
our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and an
unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the
objects of a legal domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive,
the Inhabitants of these Colonies might at least require from the Parliament of Great
Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over them has been granted to that
body. But a reverence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of
common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that Government
was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the
attainment of that end. The legislature of Great Britain, however, stimulated by an
inordinate passion for a power, not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be
peculiarly reprobated by the very Constitution of that kingdom, and desperate of success
in any mode of contest where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length,
deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these
Colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their
last appeal from Reason to Arms. Yet, however blinded that Assembly may be, by their
intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice and the opinion of
mankind, we esteem ourselves bound, by obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to
make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the Island of Great Britain, left their native land, to
seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their
blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the Country from which
they removed, by unceasing labor, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements
in the distant and inhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike
nations of barbarians. Societies or Governments, vested with perfect Legislatures, were
formed under Charters from the Crown, and a harmonious intercourse was established
between the Colonies and the Kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual
benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment.
It is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and
navigation of the Realm, arose from this source; and the Minister who so wisely and
successfully directed the measures of Great Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that
these Colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. Towards the conclusion of that
war, it pleased our Sovereign to make a change in his Councils. From that fatal moment,
the affairs of the British Empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from
the summit of glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and
abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions that now shake it to its
deepest foundations. The new Ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though
frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a
hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends.
These devoted Colonies were judged to be in such a state as to present victories
without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted
tenor of their peaceable and respectful behavior, from the beginning of colonization; their
dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply
acknowledged in the most honorable manner by His Majesty, by the late King, and by
Parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. Parliament was
influenced to adopt the pernicious project; and assuming a new power over them, have, in
the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences
attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it.
They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have
ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been
passed for extending the jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty and Vice-Admiralty beyond
their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of Trial
by Jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the Legislature of one of
the Colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering
fundamentally the form of Government established by Charter, and secured by acts of its
own Legislature, solemnly confirmed by the Crown; for exempting the “murderers” of
Colonists from legal trial, and, in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighboring
Province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism
dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the Colonists in time of
profound peace. It has also been resolved in Parliament, that Colonists charged with
committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared that
Parliament can “of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever.” What is to defend
us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it
is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all
of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not
diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their
own burdens, in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such
despotism would reduce us. We, for ten years, incessantly and ineffectually besieged the
Throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with Parliament, in the most mild
and decent language. But Administration, sensible that we should regard these oppressive
measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The
indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it was the indignation of a
virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of Delegates from the United
Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last September. We resolved
again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow
subjects of Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure;
we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellowsubjects,
as the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no Nation upon earth
should supplant our attachment to liberty. This, we flattered ourselves, was the ultimate
step of the controversy: But subsequent events have shown how vain was this hope of
finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the Colonies were inserted in His Majesty’s
Speech; our Petition, though we were told it was a decent one, and that His Majesty had
been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his Parliament, was
huddled into both Houses among a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The
Lords and Commons, in their Address, in the month of February, said, that “a rebellion at
that time actually existed within the Province of Massachusetts-Bay; and that those
concerned in it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and
engagements entered into by His Majesty’s subjects in several of the other Colonies; and,
therefore, they besought His Majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to
enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme Legislature.” Soon after,
the commercial intercourse of whole Colonies with foreign countries, and with each
other, was cut off by an act of Parliament; by another, several of them were entirely
prohibited from the Fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always
depended for their sustenance; and large re-enforcements of ships and troops were
immediately sent over to General Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of
the most distinguished Peers and Commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the
justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these
accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the
interference of the City of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable Towns, in our
favor. Parliament adopted an insidious maneuver, calculated to divide us, to establish a
perpetual auction of taxations, where Colony should bid against Colony, all of them
uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus to extort from us, at the
point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to
gratify, Ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our
own mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have
been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? In our circumstances to
accept them, would be to deserve them.
Soon after intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this Continent, General Gage,
who, in the course of the last year had taken possession of the Town of Boston, in the
Province of Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th day
of April sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an
unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said Province, at the Town of Lexington, as
appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and
soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others.
From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the Town of Concord, where they
set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same Province, killing several and
wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to
repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British Troops, have been
since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. The inhabitants of Boston,
being confined within that Town by the General, their Governor, and having, in order to
procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said
inhabitants, having deposited their arms with their own Magistrates, should have liberty
to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms;
but in open violation of honor, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even
savage nations esteemed sacred, the Governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid,
that they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained
the greatest part of the inhabitants in the Town, and compelled the few who were
permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents,
the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort
them; and those who have been used to live in plenty, and even elegance, are reduced to
deplorable distress.
The General, further emulating his Ministerial masters, by a Proclamation, bearing
date on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against
the good people of these Colonies, proceeds to “declare them all, either by name or
description, to be rebels and traitors; to supersede the course of the common law, and
instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial.” His troops
have butchered our countrymen; have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a
considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the
necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to
spread destruction and devastation around him.
We have received certain intelligence, that General Carleton, the Governor
of Canada, is instigating the people of that Province, and the Indians, to fall upon us; and
we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite
domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these Colonies now feel, and all of
them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of Administration can inflict them, the
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and, if
necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as
signal instances of the Divine favor towards us, that His providence would not permit us
to be called into this severe controversy until we were grown up to our present strength,
had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and possessed of the means of
defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most
solemnly, before God and the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those
powers which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we
have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard,
with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties;
being, with one mind, resolved to die Freemen rather than live Slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects in
any part of the Empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has
so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored.
Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any
other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of
separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory
or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by
unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of
their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or
death.
In our own native land, in defense of the freedom that is our birth-right, and which we
ever enjoyed till the late violation of it; for the protection of our property, acquired solely
by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered,
we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part
of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and
Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us
happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on
reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the Empire from the calamities of civil war
www.whatsoproudlywehail.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/Causes-and-Necessity-of-Taking-Up-Arms.pdf